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Elliott Abrams in January 1981 joined the Reagan Administration as an assistant secretary of state for international organization affairs and later became assistant secretary for human rights. On April 19, 1985, Secretary of State George P. Shultz offered Abrams the position of assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs (ARA), overseeing South and Central American and Caribbean issues. Shultz explained that it would be a difficult job, but Abrams quickly accepted. Shultz promised to "manage the emergence of E[lliott] A[brams] as King of L[atin] A[merica]."1
Abrams assumed his position at ARA in July 1985. Under Shultz, he was responsible for Central American issues and became the Reagan Administration's chief advocate on Capitol Hill for U.S. aid to the contra rebels in Nicaragua, which had been cut off in October 1984 by the Boland Amendment. During Abrams' tenure at ARA, humanitarian aid for the contras and later lethal aid were lawfully resumed.
Abrams worked closely with Lt. Col. Oliver L. North of the National Security Council Staff and Alan D. Fiers, Jr., the chief of the CIA's Central American Task Force. Together they comprised the principal members of a Restricted Interagency Group (RIG), which worked on Central American issues for the Reagan Administration.
In the course of his work, Abrams became aware of North's efforts to assist the contras militarily, despite the Boland prohibition on U.S. aid.2 Abrams also was directly involved in secretly seeking third-country contributions to the contras.
On October 7, 1991, Abrams pleaded guilty to two misdemeanor charges of withholding information from Congress. Abrams admitted that he withheld from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI) in October 1986 his knowledge of North's contra-assistance activities. In support of his guilty plea, Abrams admitted that it was his belief "that disclosure of Lt. Col. North's activities in the resupply of the Contras would jeopardize final enactment" of a $100 million appropriation pending in Congress at the time of his testimony.3 He also admitted that he withheld from HPSCI information that he had solicited $10 million in aid for the contras from the Sultan of Brunei.
After Abrams assumed the position of assistant secretary of state for ARA, he began to orient himself to his new responsibilities. On September 4, 1985, Abrams met with Shultz to discuss Central American issues. Also present were M. Charles Hill, Shultz's executive assistant, and Nicholas Platt, the executive secretary. They discussed North's contra-support activities. Abrams' notes of that meeting reflect Shultz's instruction to him to "monitor Ollie."4
During his testimony before the Select Iran/contra Committees in the summer of 1987, Abrams explained his "monitor Ollie" notebook entry as follows:
". . . All these accusations about Colonel North, you want me to try to find out whether they are true and what he is up to, or do you want me to sort of leave?"
And [Shultz] said, "No, you have got to know."5
In later congressional testimony, Abrams explained that he believed that he carried out Shultz's directive by obtaining North's assurances that he was not soliciting funds for the contras and by McFarlane's similar assurances to Congress. Abrams said because he and North worked together in RIG meetings, he believed that he had a good understanding of what North was doing.6
Hill's contemporaneous notes of the September 4, 1985, meeting are more detailed:
Abrams: -- fundraising continues, arms shipments going up. I have not asked Ollie for any info[rmation] about fundraising for lethal aid.
Shultz: We don't want to be in the dark. You suppose to be mgr [manager] of overall C.A. [Central America] picture. Contras are integral part of it. So y[ou] need to know how they getting arms. So don't just say go see the WH [White House]. It's very risky for WH.7
Platt's notes of the September 4th meeting are even more detailed and instructive on the extent of Abrams' knowledge of North's involvement on behalf of the contras:
Shultz: What is happening on other support for Contras for lethal aid etc. -- E. Abrams doesn't have the answer. Stayed away let Ollie North do it. Fundraising continuing -- weapons stocks are high. We have had nothing to do with private aid. Should we continue?
Hate to be in position, (Shultz) says, of not knowing what's going on. You are supposed to be managing overall Central American picture. Ollie can go on doing his thing, but you, (Abrams), should know what's happening.8
Platt's notes reflect that, by September 4, 1985, Abrams knew North was involved in lethal assistance to the contras and that he informed Shultz.
As assistant secretary of state for ARA, Abrams assumed the chairmanship of the RIG, which was a senior-level working group that focused on policy in Central America. It was comprised of Abrams and his assistants, and representatives of the CIA, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department of Defense and the NSC staff. At the time of Abrams' swearing-in, the RIG member with the most seniority was North of the NSC staff.
Abrams' senior management team included James H. Michel as his principal deputy assistant secretary of state, and William G. Walker as his deputy assistant secretary of state for Central American affairs. On occasion, both Michel and Walker accompanied Abrams to RIG meetings.
Platt's notes reflect that, by September 4, 1985, Abrams knew North was involved in lethal assistance to the contras and that he informed Shultz.
As assistant secretary of state for ARA, Abrams assumed the chairmanship of the RIG, which was a senior-level working group that focused on policy in Central America. It was comprised of Abrams and his assistants, and representatives of the CIA, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department of Defense and the NSC staff. At the time of Abrams' swearing-in, the RIG member with the most seniority was North of the NSC staff.
Abrams' senior management team included James H. Michel as his principal deputy assistant secretary of state, and William G. Walker as his deputy assistant secretary of state for Central American affairs. On occasion, both Michel and Walker accompanied Abrams to RIG meetings.
After Abrams took control of ARA, North continued to raise funds and assist in coordinating the provision of weapons to the contras. In September 1985, North induced former CIA officer Felix Rodriguez to assist the contra-resupply effort by setting up the servicing of aircraft at Ilopango air base in El Salvador.9 Rodriguez had been working out of Ilopango air base, assisting the Salvadoran Air Force in counter-insurgency actions. Donald P. Gregg, Vice President Bush's national security adviser, had been instrumental in placing Rodriguez in El Salvador. While at the air base, Rodriguez used the alias "Maximo (Max) Gomez." He established an excellent relationship with General Juan Rafael Bustillo, the Salvadoran commander of the base.
In August 1985, one month after Abrams' swearing-in as assistant secretary of state for ARA, Congress modified the Boland Amendment by appropriating $27 million for humanitarian assistance to the contras. On August 29, 1985, President Reagan created the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office (NHAO) in the State Department for the purpose of administering the appropriated $27 million.
Ambassador Robert W. Duemling set up NHAO within the State Department to administer the humanitarian assistance. A NHAO organizational meeting was held October 1, 1985, attended by Abrams' two senior aides, Walker and Michel. Duemling's notes reflect that North volunteered the services of Rodriguez to assist in the humanitarian resupply.10
North intruded in the NHAO operations in at least two other ways: (1) He insisted that Richard B. Gadd, who was assisting retired Air Force Maj. Gen. Richard V. Secord and North in lethal resupply, be the contractor to transport NHAO flights; (2) With Abrams, he persuaded Duemling to add to the NHAO staff North's Central American courier, Robert W. Owen.
Initially, it was planned that the humanitarian supplies would be flown from the United States into Honduras, off-loaded there and delivered in private resupply planes to the contra forces. On October 10, 1985, a NHAO aircraft flying directly from the United States to Honduras arrived with a television crew documenting the effort. This angered the Honduran government, and it rescinded its permission for NHAO planes to fly directly there from the United States. During RIG meetings on this topic, North suggested that the Ilopango air base in San Salvador be used as a transshipment point: NHAO planes would fly from the United States to Ilopango air base, unload, and the supplies would be flown into Honduras in smaller aircraft.11
On December 30, 1985, a meeting was held at Ilopango air base in El Salvador to discuss coordination of the NHAO flights there. Walker, North, Fiers, U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador Edwin G. Corr and U.S. Army Col. James J. Steele, among others, represented the United States in meeting with Salvadoran General Bustillo. Rodriguez was also present.12
In early 1986, the NHAO resupply operation at Ilopango became merged with the North-Secord operation there supplying weapons to the contras. The same flight crews that delivered the NHAO humanitarian aid also flew the lethal resupply flights. The same aircraft were used, and the U.S. Government-sponsored humanitarian supplies were stored in the same warehouse as the weapons at the Ilopango airport. Rodriguez was the manager of the resupply effort at Ilopango. He coordinated the arrival and departure of both the lethal and humanitarian resupply flights, controlled the resupply material in the warehouse and arranged for housing for the flight crews.13
As the NHAO flights began arriving at Ilopango in late January and early February 1986, concern was expressed within the CIA and Department of State about North and Rodriguez's coordination of these flights. On February 7, 1986, a senior CIA officer in Central America cabled Washington, stating:
Minutes ago [Embassy] Charge [David] Passage came to [me] with story that presumed NHAO-chartered Caribou aircraft on ill-fated supply run to Ilopango via Mexico made emergency landing yesterday, 6 February, on road in southwest El Salvador. Charge said his source was Felix Rodrigues [sic] who apparently has been "coordinating" all of this with Ollie North (one supposes on open phone). [I] had to say, honestly, that [I] knew nothing of this Caribou and indeed had not heard anything from [Fiers] on the subject for two weeks.
Rodrigues [sic] has just called Charge to advise that UPI is on the downed Caribou and wants a story. Charge's position is that he has no knowledge re this A/C [aircraft]. God knows what Felix Rodrigues [sic] is saying.14
Ambassador Corr's notes reflect that on the following day, February 8, 1986, Corr and Walker discussed the same concerns:
Bill [Walker] said:
COM [Chief of Mission, Ambassador John A. Ferch] in Hond[uras] knows about flight. This part of effort to restab[lish] Hond[uras] connection seems to be falling apart because Max [Gomez, an alias for Felix Rodriguez] has intervened and trying to check everything w/Ollie or others. Ollie and Max are to have nothing to do w/humanitarian assistance deliveries, etc.
I asked if I should have DCM [deputy chief of mission Passage] tell Max to release items to UNO [contra] rep[resentative].
Walker said yes.
Note
DCM passed "word" to Max, and he said he would comply.15
Another Corr note dated February 8, 1986, attributes the following statement to Walker:
Bill [Walker] said I should impress on Fiers16 that we cannot proceed in this "fouled up manner." This is the 3d recent screw up & Washington being surprised by unknown & uncoordinated activities.17
As the Reagan Administration's principal advocate of support for the contras, Abrams in 1986 continued to request that the U.S. Congress appropriate $100 million for the contras, including military aid. In March 1986 this request was narrowly defeated in the House of Representatives. Abrams, North, Fiers and other RIG members traveled to Central America on March 21, 1986, to assure the Central American governments that the Reagan Administration was still intent on pursuing funding for contra assistance.
On occasion, Abrams, North and Fiers met either before RIG meetings or immediately after to discuss sensitive contra matters that they did not want discussed with the other RIG members. An April 25, 1986 North notebook entry reflects the topics (North, Fiers and Abrams discussed with each other:18
Meeting w/Elliott:
On May 16, 1986, Abrams attended a National Security Planning Group meeting on Central America at the White House. The principals attending the meeting were President Reagan, Vice President Bush, Shultz, Treasury Secretary James A. Baker, Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger, CIA Director William J. Casey and White House Chief of Staff Donald T. Regan. In addition, Fiers, North and supporting personnel from the various agencies attended the meeting. NSC staff member Raymond F. Burghardt's minutes of the meeting reflect that North reminded the group that the fiscal 1986 Intelligence Authorization Bill permitted the State Department to approach other governments for non-military aid for the contras. A brief discussion ensued concerning the solicitation of other countries for contra assistance. Burghardt's minutes reflect that Reagan posed the following questions:
What about the private groups who pay for ads for the contras? Have they been contacted? Can they do more than ads?23
Fiers' recollection of this meeting differed from the Burghardt minutes. Fiers vividly recalled Reagan asking about "Ollie's people" and inquiring whether they could help. Fiers remembers a nervous tension and then a quick response to the effect of "that's being worked on."24
Prior to this NSPG meeting, North had been circumspect within the RIG in describing the specific activities he was undertaking on behalf of the contras. Following the meeting, he was more outspoken.
During RIG meetings in the summer of 1986, North went over, "item by item," actions that he was directing or coordinating on behalf of the contra resupply effort.25 North referred to the supply effort being run by him and Secord as "Project Democracy." Fiers remembered a July 1986 RIG meeting, chaired by Abrams at the State Department, wherein North listed the many activities -- including aircraft descriptions and salaries being paid -- that he was causing to be conducted on behalf of the contras. North inquired whether these activities should continue or be terminated. North made it very clear that he could cause Project Democracy to respond as he directed.26 There was an awkward silence. No one responded. Finally Fiers answered either in the affirmative or negative as to each of the items listed by North.27
Abrams was aware that North could obtain funds for the contras from Project Democracy. By July 1986, the $27 million appropriated for humanitarian assistance had been spent and it appeared there would be a considerable gap in funding before the $100 million would be appropriated by for the contras. Abrams and Fiers requested that North cause Project Democracy to contribute $2 million for food to keep the contra resistance forces intact.28 A July 24, 1986 computer note from North to Poindexter reflected the request: "Given our lack of movement on other funding options, and Elliott/Allen's [sic] plea for PRODEM [Project Democracy] to get food to the resistance ASAP, PRODEM will have to borrow at least $2M to pay for the food."29 During the RIG meeting, North informed Abrams and Fiers that he could arrange for the requested money.30
North testified before the Select Iran/contra Committees in 1987 that the members of the RIG were aware of what he was doing on behalf of the contras. North stated the RIG members were knowledgeable that a covert operation was being conducted by the U.S. Government to support the Nicaraguan resistance.31 North remembered a meeting in the Pentagon with RIG members where he went down, item by item, a checklist of the activities he was directing each month or each quarter to support the contras and he asked the RIG members "point blank" whether this activity should continue.32 North's notes of an August 28, 1986, meeting at the Pentagon reflect such a list of activities:
- UNO [contras] 60K/QTR
- UNO U.S. travel 30K/mo
- Cruz 10K
- Robello 10K
- Calero [FDN] food 500K/mo.
- [Classified Project] 20K
- Hospital
- Air Ops
- 2 C-7's
- 2 C-123's = 132K/mo
- 3 Maules33
Present at the August 28, 1986, meeting were Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard L. Armitage, Lt. Gen. John Moellering, Fiers, Abrams aide Michel and Nestor Sanchez, a DoD officer assigned to the NSC staff. Abrams did not attend.
Armitage gave deposition testimony to the staff of the Select Committees on July 22, 1987. The staff followed up on North's assertion that he had informed the RIG members of his activities and requested whether they should or should not continue. Armitage was asked "do you recall, regardless of what dates, regardless of where it was, regardless of whether it had exactly the players he said -- because he could have gotten all that wrong -- do you recall any meeting at which he did anything close to what his testimony suggests?" His answer was: "I do not."34
Moellering, during a November 13, 1990, interview with the Office of Independent Counsel, reviewed North's notebook entry of August 28, 1986, and stated he did not recall any meeting when North made disclosures concerning the contra-resupply operation or the Iran initiative. Moellering stated he never knew about North's personal involvement with the resupply operation before it was reported by the press in November 1986.35
Michel denied the North allegations in a written memorandum, stating that he had no recollection of North indicating that he was the source of contra funding or was in control of such funding. Michel added, "[h]ad he done so, I would have considered it an amazing revelation requiring immediate attention."36
During the congressional investigation, no member of the RIG corroborated North's testimony that he openly discussed his contra-resupply activities with the "private benefactors" during RIG